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History
of Peru: an Introduction
AS THE CRADLE
of South America's most advanced native American civilizations,
Peru has a rich and unique heritage among the nations
of the southern continent. It encompasses a past that
reaches back over 10,000 years in one of the most harsh
and inhospitable, if spectacular, environments in the
world--the high Andes of South America. The culmination
of Andean civilization was the construction by the Incas,
in little more than one hundred years, of an empire
that spanned a third of the South American continent
and achieved a level of general material wellbeing and
cultural sophistication that rivaled and surpassed many
of the great empires in world history.
Paradoxically, Peruvian history is
also unique in another, less glorious, way. The Andean
peoples engaged the invading Spaniards in 1532 in one
of the first clashes between Western and non-Western
civilizations in history. The ensuing Spanish conquest
and colonialism rent the rich fabric of Andean society
and created the enormous gulf between victors and vanquished
that has characterized Peru down through the centuries.
Indeed, Peru's postconquest, colonial past established
a historic division--a unique Andean "dualism"--that
formed the hallmark of its subsequent underdevelopment.
Peru, like its geography, became divided economically,
socially, and politically between a semifeudal, largely
native American highland interior and a more modernized,
capitalistic, urbanized, and mestizo coast. At the apex
of its social structure, a small, wealthy, educated
elite came to dominate the vast majority of Peruvians
who, by contrast, subsisted in poverty, isolation, ignorance,
and disease. The persistence of this dualism and the
inability of the Peruvian state in more recent times
to overcome it have prevented not only the development
but also the effective integration and consolidation
of the Peruvian nation to this day.
Another unique feature of Peru is the
role that outsiders have played in its history. Peru's
formal independence from Spain in 1824 (proclaimed on
July 28, 1821) was largely the work of "outsiders,"
such as the Venezuelan Simón Bolívar Palacios
and the Argentine José de San Martín.
In 1879 Chile invaded Peru, precipitating the War of
the Pacific (1879-83), and destroyed or carried off
much of its wealth, as well as annexing a portion of
its territory.
Foreigners have also exploited Peru's
natural resources, from silver in the colonial period
to guano and nitrates in the nineteenth century and
copper, oil, and various industrial metals in the twentieth
century. This exploitation, among other things, led
advocates of the dependency theory to argue that Peru's
export-dependent economy was created and manipulated
by foreign interests in a nefarious alliance with a
domestic oligarchy.
Although foreigners have played controversial
roles throughout Peruvian history, internal demographic
changes since the middle of the twentieth century have
shaped contemporary Peru in other fundamental ways.
For example, the total population grew almost threefold
from over 7 million in 1950 to nearly 20 million in
1985, despite slowing down in the 1970s. This reflected
a sharp jump after World War II in fertility rates that
led to an average annual increase in the population
of 2.5 percent. At the same time, a great wave of out-migration
swept the Sierra. Over the next quarter century, Peru
moved from a rural to an essentially urban society.
In 1980 over 60 percent of its work force was located
in towns and cities, principally the capital, Lima (one-third
of the total population), and the coast (threefifths
). This monumental population shift resulted in a dramatic
increase in the informal economy, as Peru's formal economy
was unable to expand fast enough to accommodate the
newcomers. In 1985 half of Lima's nearly 7 million inhabitants
lived in informal housing, and at least half of the
country's population was employed or underemployed in
the informal sector.
These demographic changes during the
previous quarter century led anthropologist José
Matos Mar to describe the 1980s as a great desborde
popular (overflowing of the masses). Once the proud
bastion of the dominant creole (American born) classes,
Lima became increasingly Andeanized in ways that have
made it virtually unrecognizable to a previous generation
of inhabitants. In some ways, this trend of Andeanization
suggests that the old dualism may now be beginning to
erode, at least in an ethnic sense. Urbanization and
desborde popular also tended to overwhelm the capacity
of the state, already weak by historical standards,
to deliver even the basic minimum of governmental services
to the vast majority of the population.
As these demographic changes unfolded,
Peru experienced an increasing "hegemonic"
crisis--the dispersion of power away from the traditional
triumvirate of oligarchy, church, and armed forces.
This occurred when the longstanding power of the oligarchy
came to an abrupt end in the 1968 military "revolution."
The ensuing agrarian reform of 1969 destroyed the economic
base of both the export elite and the gamonales (sing.
gamonal; rural bosses--see Glossary) in the Sierra.
Then, after more than a decade, the military, in growing
public disfavor, returned to the barracks, opening the
way, once again, to the democratic process.
With the resumption of elections in
1980, a process that was reaffirmed in 1985 (and again
in 1990), "redemocratization" confronted a
number of problems. The end of military rule left in
its wake an enormous political vacuum that the political
parties- -absent for twelve years and historically weak--and
a proliferating number of new groups were hard-pressed
to fill. Even under the best of circumstances, given
Peru's highly fragmented and heterogeneous society,
as well as its long history of authoritarian and oligarchical
rule, effective democratic government would have been
difficult to accomplish. Even more serious, redemocratization
faced an increasingly grave threat from a deepening
economic crisis that began in the mid-1960s. Various
economic factors caused the country's main engine for
sustained economic growth to stall. As a result of the
ensuing economic stagnation and decline, real wages
by 1985 approached mid-1960 levels.
Finally, redemocratization was also
threatened from another quarter--the emergence, also
in 1980, of the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso--SL)
guerilla movement, Latin America's most violent and
radical ongoing insurgency. By 1985 its so-called "people's
war" had claimed about 6,000 victims, most of them
innocent civilians killed by the guerrillas or the army.
Resorting to extraordinarily violent means, the Shining
Path succeeded in challenging the authority of the state,
particularly in the more remote areas of the interior,
where the presence of the state had always been tenuous--the
more so now because of the absence of the gamonal class.
Violence, however, was a thread that ran throughout
Andean history, from Inca expansion, the Spanish conquest
and colonialism, and countless native American insurrections
and their suppression to the struggle for independence
in the 1820s, the War of the Pacific, and the longterm
nature of underdevelopment itself.
Data as of September 1992
Back to Facts
about Peru: Peruvian History
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